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For a new Haiti-USA relations paradigm

Luc Rémy

May 4, 2009

The traditional framework of the relations between Haiti and the USA exploded some 20 years ago. Such a shift and modern democracy requirements impose on both diplomacies to redefine themselves for a better profit taking and in order to really preserve peace and security on the American continent.

What are those major facts that have considerably changed the two States’ relations traditional order and spirit and call on today to their reshaping and update? I see plenty of them, but I want now to mention only four of them.

Let us first mention the failure of the different plans imposed by the Americans on Haiti. Despite their long and steady presence in the Island (1915-1934), their geographical proximity to Haiti, their quasi permanent deep involvement in the political and economic decision-making process of this country, and despite their great influence on both its private and public sectors, they have introduced there very little of their “way of life”. They have never been able to introduce and institutionalize in Haiti even the caricature of their political and educative system, nor an embryo of their stock market. Their baseball, for example, very popular in neighbor countries such Cuba or Dominican Republic, has never been able to put down roots in Haiti; English has not gained there a lot of ground. Though very exposed to their influence, Port-au-Prince has rather turned into a powerful magnet concentrating and deciding everything, bleeding dry the rest of the country and attracting masses of Haitian expecting anyhow to leave Haiti one day and to live on the “Promised Land”. Haiti remains mostly rural, behind the time and without adequate infrastructures.

A second factor speaking in favor of readjusting the USA-Haiti relations resides in the impossibility and incapacity of both States to conduct smoothly and contain their exchange in the bilateral channel. Since the 1990 decade, the USA has been unable to get its traditional vision and plan through Haiti; and circumstances beyond its control in the recent international relations have forced it to resort to multilateralism (UN, OAS, CARICOM, EU and Group of Friends of Haiti).

Third, there has been also failure of the multilateral plans or plans of the International Community massively associated, since 1990, with the USA leadership in Haiti. In some 16 years (1993-2009), 7 imposing civil missions or special armed forces-consuming on average $500 millions1- and two USA military interventions (one together with French forces) have taken place in Haiti. But, meanwhile, Haiti has been considered a “failed States” and declared a “threat to international peace and security”, according to the terms of Chapter VII of the UN Charter. The sources of threat against domestic and external peace have increased so much in the country and its borders have become so porous and open to criminal and destabilizing activities that Mr Hédi Annabi, Special Representative of UN Secretary-General and Head of MINUSTAH, has appealed for «an increased regional effort to help Haiti counter the transnational criminal groups basing operations in the country2».

A fourth fundamental parameter that makes it urgent to responsibly review the Haiti-USA relations is this kind of involuntary carving up or partitioning of Haiti, through MINUSTAH.  Today, Haiti has been turned into a real Tour of Babel in the form of shared influence zones between a myriad of entities which, because of their specific cultural and historical realities, do not necessarily look at all in the same direction, do not defend the same projects nor perceive in the way security on the American continent. In the absence  on the national territory of only one and one leadership only, that is a Haitian leadership, with one national army, police and administration, are to be expected, from Haiti, the worst disasters, against both Haiti and the rest of the American continent. In this situation where Haiti is getting more and more vulnerable, one of the very probable scenarios could be the use of its territory as an ideal beachhead to launch very bloody and devastating attacks against the USA and, in the event of retaliation, against Haiti itself.

Let us not forget it: the high geo-strategic value of a Sate does not exclusively reside in its military, political and economic power, neither in its geographic position. On September 11, 2001, Afghanistan has reminded us this powerful lesson of geo-strategy. Somalia, infested today with very dangerous and well organized high sea pirates, is re-teaching us this same vital lesson. The exponential impoverishment of Haiti and the numerous internal and external clumsy decisions linked to its management have turned it into a real time bomb for our collective security. It should not be left for too long in the depth of its despair. It is a matter collective security: the drift of a State and the abandonment of its citizens to their poverty and despair can lead to the most unthinkable collective disasters.

 

Luc REMY
May 4, 2009
Massachusetts
USA

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